Leyte 4th district – the Codillas
But the Codillas of the 4th District of Leyte may now be considered “made” by our local standards. They hobnob with the big names in Philippine politics and do their wheeling and dealing for mega-buck projects. And they usually get their share of the national coffers from Malacañang being a close ally of the president. After all, they were able to deliver votes for GMA in 2004 versus “da King” himself. And so, in gratitude, the miniature occupant in that palace by the river has graciously rewarded them in return.
The strength of a politician is usually measured in numbers: his political machinery, his following, the votes that he gets in an election season relative to his opponents. All these the Codillas seem to have in abundance. Note how they scored against their rivals. At the district level, the clan patriarch Eufrocino Codilla Sr. routed his arc-rival Carmelo Locsin by more than 33,000 votes, while 90 percent of their political allies under the Lakas-CMD-Kampi political parties also won hands down against their rivals.
Two of his mayors, Eric in Ormoc and Elmer in Kananga, likewise routed their rivals. Eric had a 12,000 comfortable margin over Kag. Gregorio Yastorza, while Elmer enjoyed a 3,700 margin over mayoralty hopeful Vice Mayor Marciano Nahine. And to think that Elmer had only recently transferred his residence to that town to qualify to run for the mayoralty.
If there is any political dynasty in district 4, this is it. Now the family pulls the switches for projects for the district with the patriarch calling the shots. With Eric very much in control of Ormoc city, the dynasty is alive and well. The city has money for its infrastructure projects running into hundreds of millions. And it is common knowledge that projects provide fodder to the cannon, the necessary material base usually computed as a percentage of the gross worth, the capital by which a politician-investor may run his future political campaign. And you wonder where all that money to buy votes came from? Your guess is probably as good as mine.
Without money, your campaign is a dud. You lose steam in the final stretches and your leaders leave you after a few enticements from the opposite camp. This is what probably happened to the camp of Locsin which has been short of ammunition since the start of the campaign. The money now flowed from the Codillas who were very generous to their watchers and ward leaders and sometimes even leaders of the opposite camp. It did not seem a big surprise when a number of Locsin’s leaders failed to deliver at the last minute. The enticements were simply too strong to resist.
The fight of the Codillas against the Locsins dates back to the post-Ormoc flood years when issues related to relief goods for Ormoc were raised against the reigning Locsins. At that time, Vicky Larrazabal Locsin was the mayor, while hubby Carmelo was in Congress. The perceived failure of the Locsins to answer the flood-related issues paved the way for the patriarch Eufrocino Codilla’s initial ascent to power. His three terms as city mayor had shored up his manpower and resources to adequately respond to whatever ammunition the Locsins subsequently threw at him.
Huge infrastructure projects, plus Ormoc’s share of the IRA, gave the city a huge boost in funds unprecedented in its history. These projects became landmarks attributed to the old Codilla as the city’s claim to progress and modernization. From then on, the notion of “progress,” of new buildings infrastructure projects, became a Codilla trademark. To one who had long-term plans of political domination, this was important. I don’t know if they consciously cultivated it in the public mind, but if they did, that was an excellent game plan.
It started with the Gaisanos leasing a government-built building for 25 years and putting up what many considered much better than Tacloban’s own Gaisano version. Ormoc was at the doorstep of a consumerist society with Gaisano leading the way. Then came the superdome, another multimillion infrastructure designed to host big-league games, with state-of-the-art facilities. Old ordinances had to be amended to legalize the structure and silence critics. Finally, Ormoc’s market underwent a facelift, with a design that was patterned after some Metro Manila markets. The staggering cost of the buildings forced the government to make a loan from the Land Bank. It didn’t matter if the city pays millions in interest to the bank annually.
Local contractors and suppliers, especially those with close ties to the administration, enjoyed their golden years, and a few became instant millionaires. Cebu Governor Gwen Garcia, who was still a Codilla by marriage to the eldest son of then city mayor Eufrocino Codilla Sr., made sure each one had a share of the large pie, with their favorites getting the largest slice. Biddings were done deals. That way, things were smoothened, with the switches firmly in the hands of the administration. The plans and their implementation were the handiwork of the sophisticated Gwen, who inherited her talents from her father, Rep. Pablo Garcia of Cebu.
If their allies became richer from the boons in infrastructures, the Codillas could not have fared badly themselves. The family is a major supplier of lumber and construction materials. With the projects normally using up more than 60 percent of project costs in construction materials, a supplier of sand, gravel, cement, lumber and steel bars could easily have profited tens of millions from Ormoc’s big projects. That plus the usual 20 percent “under-the-table” take equals unprecedented millions and prosperity to those who control the switches.
Now you can stop wondering where those sacks of money come from on election day. Three years is ample time to prepare, something which the Codillas do not seem to waste. With Kananga recently added to their territory, two more towns in the next elections seem fair game to the enterprising family. The patriarch still has potential mayors in his family who must by now be planning their own ascent to power. After all, who is going to oppose them?
This is how politics is being played in the district. Whether or not the practice is helpful to our democratic institutions is another issue altogether. Ideally, every man and woman should be free to choose their leaders. This situation may still hold true at the puroks where the participants are limited and the choices are not blurred by material and monetary considerations.
But when this is played out in a bigger field, say a municipality, other factors come into play. A political leader must reach out to a bigger audience, the majority of which do not know him as a person. So they have to depend on secondhand sources of information as basis for their decisions – the radio, posters, leaflets, brochures, rumors, TV, etc. In most cases, the information is inadequate, and people have to rely on their gut feel to make their choices. This is where things become blurred and confusing. With money and other factors involved, our so-called “free elections” gets farther and farther from the ideal. The freedom remains only in name, but the vestiges of external control are evident. In the last elections, those who had the bigger cash outlay trounced their rivals.
Indeed, politics in the district (as elsewhere) has become easy prey to those plotting out their hold on power. The formula is really simple. Money can generate numbers, create a well-oiled machinery and pay off the leaders of your rivals. It can even alter election results when the going gets rough or ensure the right names are written and the scores are in their favor. But consider your expenses as an investment. Local officials have three years to recoup expenses and enrich themselves. The more projects, the bigger the take and the better for one’s image in the public mind.
Remember that projects connote “progress, prosperity, modernization.” You can’t lose with infrastructures so long as you can check your own greed. A 20-percent take ain’t too bad. (But how true is it that the going rate is 40 percent?) Be sure to leave some for the boys. Loyalties are usually bought that way.
As I said, the Codillas of Ormoc are now a clan to reckon with in political circles. They have probably been using time-tested political practices, Except for the patriarch’s advancing years and the slowing down of reflexes, I don’t see a kink in the armor.
(This article was recently published by SCOPE, a regional monthly magazine)




